The Hindu Business Line : UPA's foreign policy report card

Dr Manmohan Singh has initiated steps to shed fears about competing with China and is even considering a free trade agreement with it. The contribution of Indian professionals to American productivity and research and development capabilities are important factors drawing the US and India together. On handling relations with Pakistan too, Dr Manmohan Singh deserves full marks, says G. Parthasarathy.

The Prime Minister, Dr Manmohan Singh, must be complimented for his handling of relations with Pakistan and his equation with its President, Gen Pervez Musharraf.

AS Dr Manmohan Singh's Government approaches the end of its first year in office, how should we assess and rate its handling of the foreign policy?

What has been the impact of the prejudices and predilections of its Communist partners and regional parties such as the Pattali Makkal Katchi (PMK) and the Marumalarchi Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (MDMK) on foreign policy?

India's soft-spoken economist Prime Minister enjoys a reputation for impeccable financial and personal integrity. He is recognised as the father of economic reforms in India. He is a firm believer that India will achieve its "tryst with destiny" only when its people are freed from the shackles of politico-bureaucratic controls.

Unlike his supporters from the Left, Dr Manmohan Singh does not think `globalisation' is a bad word. He believes that given the creative instincts of our people, we can hold our own while competing in the global arena. He has spoken of establishing an Asian Economic Community.

He has resisted protectionist pressures and proceeded with removing trade barriers and forging the development of free trade in goods, services and investment with neighbours to India's east, which are members of the newly-established BIMSTEC, and Asean. He has initiated steps to shed fears about competing with China and moving towards considering a free trade agreement with Asia's economic powerhouse.

Recognising India's growing economic profile and the confidence and self-reliance shown by it during the tsunami crisis, the Asean members are set to invite it to the East Asia Dialogue. Dr Manmohan Singh's Government, therefore, deserves an `A plus' grading for these efforts.

Despite the ideological prejudices of many of his supporters, Dr Manmohan Singh realises that in today's world it would be counterproductive to pretend that the conduct of foreign policy is successful only when it contains manifestations of anti-Americanism.

Both Dr Manmohan Singh and Mr Natwar Singh soon realised that there are large complementarities of interests between India and the US in the Indian Ocean neighbourhood. The US pressure is forcing the Pakistani strongman, Gen Pervez Musharraf, to discard his love for terrorism in the garb of jehad.

Neighbours such as Bangladesh and Nepal are realising that there is a substantial measure of American understanding of India's policies in South Asia.

The "rise of Chinese power" and the contribution of Indian professionals to American productivity and research and development capabilities are important factors drawing the US and India together. The US is now prepared to discuss how it could end three decades of sanctions in crucial areas such as nuclear energy and space and even consider co-production of Defence equipment in India. In dealing with the Americans, style is as important as substance.

It would be a folly to let the Americans believe that India has no options and can be taken for granted. Dr Manmohan Singh's Government merits an "A Plus" for how it has dealt with the US and Russia, itstraditional friend.

In their anxiety to please their partners and hype the `successes' in relations with China, the Government's spin-doctors have misled the people of India. The decision to seek a "package settlement" to the boundary issue taking into account the "strategic and reasonable" interests of both countries is welcome. But what is astonishing is that the so-called strategic dialogue with Beijing has failed to note what happened when the Chinese Premier, Mr Wen Jiabao, visited Pakistan, where he signed a "Friendship Treaty" whose provisions have mysteriously remained secret; saw Gen Musharraf's inauguration of a factory where 150 Chinese-designed JF-17 fighters will be produced for the Pakistan Air Force and agreed to supply four F-22 frigates to Pakistan. All this is, of course, in addition to continuing Chinese assistance to Pakistan's India-specific nuclear weapons and missile programmes.

Are Sino-Indian friendship and the prejudices of the UPA's Communist partners so sacrosanct that we should avoid raising these issues with a visiting Chinese Prime Minister? The Government's spin doctors are also guilty of putting out misleading information about China's so-called support for our quest for permanent membership of the Security Council, when it is known that China is working closely with countries such as Pakistan, Mexico, Argentina and South Korea to prevent the emergence of any new permanent members.

There are also concerns that the delay in testing the Agni III missile perhaps arises out of unfounded apprehensions about displeasing China. The Government, therefore, deserves no more than a `C' grading for its conduct of relations with China. The Manmohan Singh Government's handling of relations with Sri Lanka, Nepal and Bangladesh would qualify for a `C minus' or even an `F' grading. Given the role of the LTTE and its leader, Velupillai Prabhakaran, in the assassination of Rajiv Gandhi, one expected an approach to relations with Sri Lanka that would strengthen the hands of all those Sinhalese and Tamils who yearn for democracy and peace. Rather than proceeding in this direction, the Government has yielded to pressures from some political partners in Tamil Nadu and postponed the signing of a Defence cooperation agreement with Sri Lanka.

It was announced that Dr Manmohan Singh's first visit abroad would be to Sri Lanka. The fact that this did not happen is seen as yet another manifestation of the Government allowing considerations of coalition politics to prevail over imperatives of national security. If a terrorist organisation such as the LTTE has been able to manipulate our internal politics, the King of Nepal has done one better. The manner in which the Manmohan Singh Government suddenly changed its policies and permitted the resumption of arms supplies to the embattled and unpopular monarch, precisely when the political parties were getting their act together, reflects a propensity for vacillation and weakness at the highest levels of Government.

Dr Manmohan Singh deserves high praise for his forthright assertion that there can be no division of any part of India, including Kashmir, on religious lines and that there can be no change of boundaries. This has set the stage for the search of a framework that could lead to greater peace, security and prosperity for people on both sides of the Line of Control. Measures such as the establishment of the Srinagar-Muzaffarabad bus service and the resumption of train links between Rajasthan and Sind are welcome developments. It is also reassuring that Dr Manmohan Singh has clarified that he will judge Gen Musharraf by what the mastermind of the Kargil conflict does, rather than by what he says.

A grading of `A' is merited for the handling of relations with Pakistan. But the handling of relations with Bangladesh has been disastrous. The Khaleda Zia Government provides weapons, equipment and support to North-East separatist groups. Coalition partners of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) such as the Jamat-e-Islami talk of establishing an Islamic Emirate in Muslim majority districts of Assam. The Bangladesh Foreign Minister, Mr Morshed Khan, speaks of closing trade routes with India.

Rather than responding firmly to such provocations with steps such as preventing smuggling of cattle to Bangladesh and taking effective covert countermeasures, the Petroleum Minister, Mr Mani Shankar Aiyar, came up with half-baked and ill-considered ideas such as constructing a gas pipeline through Bangladesh from Myanmar. Not surprisingly, Bangladesh demanded unacceptable and unilateral trade and transit concessions from India as a pre-condition for considering our proposal. India can hardly pretend to be a major regional power if neighbours such as Bangladesh and Nepal believe they can take it for granted and undermine its interests with impunity.

(The author is a former High Commissioner to Pakistan.)

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