The Hindu Business Line : Flagging off self-governance

As part of interactions to move the India-Pakistan dialogue forward on self-governance in Jammu and Kashmir, Pugwash International recently organised in Islamabad a meeting involving both governments and parties across the LoC. But it is evident that there is no political consensus on either the contours of an eventual settlement, or even on measures that could ease tensions and problems, says G. PARTHASARATHY.

It would have been inconceivable even a year ago to think of a gathering in which politicians and academics from both sides of the Line of Control in Jammu and Kashmir would get together to discuss ways to address the aspirations of people of the State and foster cooperation in areas that benefit them in their day to day lives. But such gatherings have indeed taken place in Kathmandu, New Delhi and Jammu in recent months.

These interactions have thrown up ideas that can move the India-Pakistan dialogue process forward. It is also evident that there is no political consensus within Jammu and Kashmir on either the contours of an eventual settlement, or even on measures that could ease current tensions and problems.

The Geneva-based Nobel Prize winning Pugwash International recently organised an interesting get together in Islamabad to focus primarily on "self-governance" in Jammu and Kashmir.

Such initiatives have been frowned upon by the security establishments in both Islamabad and New Delhi. This was the third occasion in which I had participated in such an exercise. Participants from our side included Mr Omar Abdullah of the National Conference, Maulvi Iftikar Ansari of the PDP, Mr Abdul Ghani Bhat of the Hurriyat (who seems to have made Islamabad and Muzaffarabad his home over the last several months), Mr Yaseen Malik of the pro-independence JKLF, Mr Sajjad Lone of the J&K People's Conference, and representatives of the Congress, the CPI (M) and the BJP.

The representation from Pakistan-Occupied-Kashmir was largely made up of pro-Pakistan personalities, though veteran leaders Sardar Qayyum Khan and Mr Amanullah Khan of the JKLF voiced different views. While New Delhi denied Syed Ali Shah Jilani permission to travel to Pakistan, Islamabad ensured that no individual invited from the Shia majority Northern Areas (Gilgit and Baltistan) participated.

UNCLEAR ON SELF-GOVERNANCE

The Pakistan President, Gen Pervez Musharraf, gave considerable time to all the participants and also met Mr Omar Abdullah and Mr Yaseen Malik separately.

He repeated his proposals on demilitarisation, self-governance, dividing the state into regions and joint management, but acknowledged that he had not thought through precisely what "self-governance" would involve in J&K. He ruled out independence for J&K as a viable option and appeared hesitant on proposals bringing together and promoting cooperation between people in Kargil and Ladakh with their compatriots in the Northern Areas.

He also candidly acknowledged that no single leader or grouping could credibly claim to speak for the people of the entire State. Thus, while Pakistan and the Hurriyat Conference will continue to tango with each other, we will now see a wider cross-section of Kashmiri politicians engaging people in Pakistan and in POK. While Mr Omar Abdullah presented the NC's proposals on autonomy and expressed strong reservations about Pakistani Jihadi outfits such as the Lashkar-e-Taiba, there were also constructive suggestions from representatives of the PDP, the CPI (M), the BJP and the Panther's Party. Mr Yaseen Malik spoke eloquently about the need to support the dialogue process and associate the people involved in the diplomatic effort. The Hurriyat, however, could do no more than echo Gen Musharraf's proposals.

DIFFERENCES IN APPROACH

Discussions in Islamabad revealed the differences in approach between the elected representatives who are members of the Senate and the National Assembly on the one hand and some of those close to the military establishment who seem to believe that the situation in Jammu and Kashmir today is no different from what it was in 1990, on the other. More interestingly, some of those who were in the military establishment appeared to have a more realistic understanding and appreciation of the domestic problems and international criticism that Pakistan faces today than their civilian counterparts, who appeared to believe that loud tantrums are a good substitute for reasoned argument.

New Delhi's interests will be ill served if it chooses to remain silent on what Gen Musharraf has laid on the table. It will face international criticism and reach a political impasse on some of the bold initiatives that the Prime Minister, Dr Manmohan Singh, has taken in promoting a dialogue with a wide cross-section of people within J&K, if it does not move proactively in coming months.

There should be surely no dearth of ideas on promoting "self-governance" across J&K with people on both sides of the LOC enjoying the same rights and privileges on such issues.

JOINT MANAGEMENT

There can, however, be no question of extensive "self-governance" on India's side of the LOC, while POK and Northern Areas are administered by the Federal Ministry of Kashmir Affairs, and priorities and policies are dictated by unelected "councils" headed by Pakistan's Prime Minister.

While India has rejected the division of J&K on communal and sectarian lines, as proposed by the New York-based Kashmir Study Group, there is surely political space for Regional Development Councils to be constituted.

Similarly while "Joint Management" can be construed as eroding State sovereignty, there can surely be mechanisms or commissions comprising representatives from the governments of India and Pakistan and from both sides of the LOC in J&K to address issues of common concern.

Discussions in Islamabad showed that there are several areas of common interest such as economic cooperation, tourism, environmental protection, trade, agriculture, education and media, where coordinating mechanisms can play a useful role.

As India has a sovereign right to deploy its armed forces in any part of its territory, any talk of "demilitarisation" is a non-starter though troop levels can be regulated depending on levels of violence and terrorism.

Given the absence of any political consensus in J&K, these are issues that need to be looked at closely by academic institutions in the country, including in J&K.

The next round of the Composite Dialogue process is to commence shortly. Discussions I had with friends in Pakistan showed that at the public level there is recognition of the need to end sterile competition and build bridges with India. But has the mindset of the ruling military establishment changed?

SUBVERTING MOVES

Following the US President, Mr George Bush's remark that "Pakistan and India are two different countries with different needs and different histories," Gen Musharraf proclaimed that his country should end its "India-centric" approach to foreign policy. But a few days later he described the India-US nuclear deal as "disturbing," adding that the deal adversely affected the balance of power in the region.

Thus, if Pakistan spared no effort in 2005 in attempting to sabotage India's quest for a Permanent Membership of the Security Council, it will spare no effort in 2006 to subvert moves to implement the Bush-Manmohan Singh nuclear agreement.

The National Security Adviser, Mr M. K. Narayanan, has warned of moves by the ISI to encourage terrorist attacks. While one had heard former ISI chiefs speaking of "weakening India from within" or making the Kashmir issue an "issue of faith" for Indian Muslims, one was amused to learn recently of another former ISI Chief asserting that there can be no transparency in Pakistan's Defence policies till "India disintegrates like the Soviet Union".

The challenge we face today is in displaying our strength, resilience and commitment to communal harmony to thwart such moves, even as we proceed with our diplomacy and political initiatives imaginatively.

(The author is a former High Commissioner to Pakistan.)

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