Gurugram’s topography is a study in contrasts, between poverty-stricken underdeveloped areas and private townships. Fashioned out of 3,500 acres of farmland owned by the Delhi Land and Finance Corporation (DLF), this satellite city (called Gurgaon till recently) was part of the country’s liberalisation drive and one of the first national mega-projects in which the government took a backseat. Much has been written about the failure of successive Haryana governments’ partnership with private parties in building Gurugram’s backbone. Yet, the government continues with that policy. The Rapid Metro Rail Gurgaon, for instance, is the only privately financed metro system in the country. Only three metro stations are owned by the Haryana Urban Development Authority, or HUDA, while the rest were built in conjunction with private parties such as DLF which had a vested interest in rising property rates in the respective areas where the metro reached. Thirty-five years into the making of this city, the perils of giving up government control over public infrastructure are there for all to see.

Gurugram’s population increased by 73.9 per cent during 2001-11, according to the 2011 census. This unprecedented growth in the last two decades has led to a massive strain on infrastructure. In keeping with the population growth, demand for power has grown exponentially, and has the highest compounded annual growth rate countrywide. Back when Gurugram was separated from the more prosperous area of Faridabad, its population was paltry. Even during the 1991 census, it was just 1.21 lakh; by 2011, it had zoomed to 15 lakh. This growth, unfortunately, has not been matched by improvements in sewage system, power and water supply.

Disjointed power centres

Sudhir Chauhan, senior town planner in the Municipal Corporation of Gurugram, blames the infrastructure woes on a lack of coordination between the various private and public stakeholders. “Now that the Gurugram Development Authority is coming up, as an overarching authority that collects taxes from all these various bodies and maintains all of Gurugram’s infrastructure, things are bound to look up,” he says with hope in his voice.

Stressing on the need for a common committee, he cited the recent traffic jam that gave the city a bad rap internationally, to make his point.

“The NHAI (National Highway Authority of India) was responsible for it. It was their baby, and they should have taken proper care, issued a red alert, which they failed to do, resulting in a fiasco. Gurugram is a developing city and is currently dealing with a lot of issues. Yet it cannot be denied that it is one of the most popular and fastest growing cities of India, so people have as much hope for this town, and expectations from it, as any other. Every developing city is going to have its own set of problems.”

Needless to say, it is the poorest migrants who bear the brunt of Gurugram’s chaotic infrastructure, while the rich manage to pay their way out of water and power shortages or any other problems. HUDA is cash-strapped, and is owed ₹23,000 crore since 1981. The development authority failed to complete outstanding infrastructure projects such as the Badhshahpur drain near Hero Honda Chowk, leading to the crippling traffic jams in July and on August 29-30 due to water-logging. The authorities have, since, transferred their land to NHAI to broaden the drain.

Build-up of corruption

HUDA’s woes are, however, far from over. In a landmark judgment last summer, the Supreme Court declared illegal the 280 acres in Rohtak acquired by HUDA under the Bhupinder Singh Hooda government. Terming it ‘deceptive licensing’ and an “abuse of power”, the court maintained that land acquired by the government cannot be handled by private builders.

The CBI is probing former Chief Minister Hooda’s role, as HUDA chairman, in multiple cases related to wrongful land acquisition and disproportionate land allotment.

Public data analysed by Delhi-based search engine howindialives.com reveals that 55 per cent of the total land allotment in Gurugram happened during Hooda’s tenure, as compared to 7,561 acres during 1982-2005 under other governments. Shockingly, the maximum allotment happened in 2008, when the real estate sector was hit by recession.

Sales worth ₹6,380 crore, accounting for nearly 38 per cent of all land allotted in Gurugram, happened in one year alone. The cash-strapped HUDA was recently ordered by the Punjab and Haryana high court to pay ₹500 crore in compensation to 1,784 residents of Gurugram Sector 51 who had suffered a monetary loss during land acquisition.

The unholy nexus between past governments and private builders has resulted in acres of erstwhile farmlands being acquired for corporate interest, at a loss to the farmers. There has even been misuse of a clause under the Affordable Housing Policy of 2013, that forced builders to set aside houses for people with incomes below ₹1.5 lakh per annum in any building society of a certain size.

“In some plush societies in prime areas, such as the Golf Course road, housing meant for the lower income population was acquired by those buying the bigger houses, as accommodation for their domestic staff and help,” said a Gurugram resident, on conditions of anonymity. Stories of houses under this scheme getting converted into plush studio apartments and sold off also abound.

Water-starved and water-logged

The water table in Gurugram today has fallen dangerously to below 50 metres (from 30 metres in 1995) in some areas of DLF Phase III and IV, according to the Centre for Science and Environment. In the past, environment scientists had warned that Gurugram’s nemesis would prove to be an acute water shortage. This assumes an extra edge of irony in a city that brought on one of its biggest traffic jams due to water-logging. A 2007 order had made groundwater extraction illegal in Gurugram district. But, according to a Hindustan Times report on June 28 this year, the number of illegal bore wells (15,000) far outstrips the number registered (11,000). As far as the deplorable sewage system is concerned, the municipal body has launched Swachh Bharat drives, and increased the number of functional toilets.

Chauhan warns of the dire situation ahead if the public doesn’t get involved, “The problem with Gurugram is that no one takes any ownership of this city. I’ve seen folks chuck rubbish on to the road from inside the shelter of their posh cars. The same applies for the illegal tapping of groundwater. A bhaagidaari (partnership) is needed between the public and the authorities.”

Rainwater harvesting was made mandatory in Gurugram in 2012, after the Punjab and Haryana high court barred HUDA from issuing fresh licences until building societies agreed to not draw groundwater. The results are not palpable yet at a macro level.

Shaky at the foundation

While power alternatives are available to all private housing societies, the original residents of Old Gurugram, middle-class housing colonies as well as those under the affordable housing scheme suffer round-the-year power shortages, which worsen during summer. Winter brings its own set of problems. Businesswoman Mohini Mehra, who divides her time between Delhi and Goa, has devised her own way of coping with the power and water shortages. “It’s too hot to stay in Gurugram during the summer anyway, so we prefer staying outside the country. There has, however, been some relief in the last five to seven years, with housing societies setting up their own generators. We pay a maintenance charge of ₹2,000 per month, and then pay for whatever electricity we consume. The rates are actually less than what we are charged for electricity otherwise.”

Such easy solutions however elude most. According to data released by the Central Pollution Control Board, AQI (air quality index) in Gurugram recorded consistently higher levels of pollution compared to other suburbs such as Faridabad, and even Delhi. The city can appear hostile in its very design. Pedestrian crossings are conspicuous by their absence, even on the busy Sector-30 metre-wide road in Sushant Lok phase-I.

Footpaths and pathways are few. The traffic is haphazard. People are disinclined to walk, increasing the traffic load on roads. Compare this with Delhi, where it is still feasible to walk down to the neighbourhood market in most areas. As property rates sky-rocket, the Millennial City that was part of India’s superpower dream now stands as a cautionary tale. The Central government’s motto for inclusive growth, “Sabke Saath, Sabka Vikas”, can no longer afford to remain just a political ideal... an entire city’s success, or failure, hinges on it.

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