Atalji, the quintessential gentleman – How he made a difference

Atalji’s demise is referred to by many as the end of an era. I, however, consider it the continuation of the era of which he laid the foundation.

His political journey shaped his ideology. His convictions were shaped by his deep commitment to the nation, [right] from his student days, when he was associated with the Quit India movement, to the time he joined the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, and was then associated with Syama Prasad Mookerjee as one of the founders of the Bharatiya Jana Sangh.

During his early days in the [Bharatiya] Jana Sangh, he was associated with the ‘Kashmir Satyagraha’, which sought to lift several restrictions on Indian citizens in relation to the State (Jammu and Kashmir). He was, along with Mookerjee, a strong opponent of the Liaquat-Nehru pact.

His speeches as a young parliamentarian on the Tibet crisis, and the 1962 war debacle, left their impact on all.

At a young age, he became a principal face of the Jana Sangh. He travelled the country and was hailed as a charismatic orator. He once told us that till the mid-1980s, most of his travel was either by train or by road. At times, even in buses. During his tours, he mostly stayed in the homes of political workers. This was when a young party was being built up.

Disillusionment with the Congress had started after the 1962 China war debacle. It was at this stage that [Ram Manohar] Lohia pioneered the slogan of ‘Congress hatao , desh bachao ’ (Supplant Congress, save the country) and seat coordination in critical by-elections between Lohia, Pandit Deendayal Upadhyaya and Acharya Kripalani had begun. Deendayal ji , along with his political team, mostly young leaders in their 30s, was busy creating an organisational structure of the party.

It bore results in 1967 when the Jana Sangh emerged with a large contingent of MPs in Parliament, won absolute majority in the National Capital Territory of Delhi, and made [for] a sizeable presence in Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Punjab.

After Deendayal ji ’s sudden demise, the mantle of the Jana Sangh leadership fell on Atal ji . Not compromising with the party’s core beliefs, he started coordinating with other political parties and became a nationally-respected and acceptable face of the Jana Sangh. He had an ability to rise above partisan interests; this he displayed by strongly standing behind the government during the 1971 war.

In 1974, the Jana Sangh, under Atal ji , plunged into the movement led by Jayaprakash Narayan and gave it its core strength. The Jana Sangh fought the battle against Emergency and for restoration of democracy under his leadership.

After a brief experience in the Janata Party government, the Jana Sangh was back to square one. The merger of the Jana Sangh and other political parties in the Janata Party had failed. It was a short-lived experiment. Thus, in 1980, he revived the Bharatiya Janata Party. The inaugural session of the BJP saw the aspirational cadre with self-belief chanting ‘ Pradhan mantri ki agli bari (next turn to be prime minister) – Atal Bihari, Atal Bihari’.

When the BJP was formed, it suffered initial isolation. Its parliamentary presence was minimal. It faced its lowest ebb in 1984. Notwithstanding this adversity, the duo of Atal ji and LK Advani ji held on to their political space and remained determined to expand the BJP. [The BJP grew] from 89 Lok Sabha seats in 1989, to 121 seats in 1991, to 166 seats in 1996, and finally 183 seats in 1998. The once-isolated BJP had now become the centre-stage party of Indian politics. Atal ji led the party to great victories in 1998 and 1999 and had a successful tenure as a Prime Minister. India witnessed the demolition of a single-party domination in the electoral space. The BJP had expanded its geographical and social base.

Atalji’s political style

The essential aspect of his political journey, true to his name ‘Atal’ was determination. In the world’s largest democracy, it was only the Congress that dominated in the first few decades. Atal ji created an alternative, which in the last two decades became larger and bigger than the Congress. Along with Advani ji , he created a second line leaders both at the centre and in the States.

He was always open to ideas; always gave priority to national interest; was always at ease in dealing with both friends and opponents, and never allowed himself to get into any petty controversy.

He had no personal enemies since he spoke mostly on issues rather than individuals. He was a wordsmith. He could use the facility of language to get out of any challenging situation. What he will be remembered for most will be his oration both in Parliament and outside. In Parliament, he was heard in pin-drop silence. In his public meetings, audiences waited for hours before he could arrive. His oration was always blended with humour. His ability for an instant response was unmatched. His choice of words, his turn of phrases, the poetry that he injected in his expression, gave him the ability to even explain the most complicated issue in a simple language.

Tenure as Prime Minister

His coalition government at different points in time had the Akali Dal, Shiv Sena, J&K National Conference, the Janata Dal (U), the Trinamool Congress, BJD, TDP, DMK, AIADMK, besides individuals like KC Pant and Ramakrishna Hegde.

The nuclear test in 1998 was a defining moment of his government. He went out of the way to work for peace with Pakistan. But when the need arose, he inflicted a severe blow to it[Pakistan] in Kargil. Both Pokhran and Kargil were his high points. On the economic front, he was a liberaliser. National highways, rural roads, better infrastructure, a telecom policy that was pragmatic, a new electricity law are all evidence of this. In any intra-governmental debate, his nod inevitably was for the liberal economic view. He corrected the foreign policy imbalance in the changed global environment.

Several personal traits

As Prime Minister, he was never harsh on either the bureaucrats or his ministers. In polite but firm language he could convey more to his subordinates than what he desired. The Cabinet meetings that he presided over lasted hours. He allowed a discussion on almost every subject, and eventually reconciled the conflicting viewpoints depending on their merits.

He loved food. Those who were ministers in his government still occasionally speak about the quality of snacks served in his Cabinet meetings. He even loved to experiment with food when he travelled internationally. In India, he had his own favourite places in various cities, and, occasionally, when he got out of the trains in the morning, he would have breakfast on one of them before reaching home.

The poet in him also created a dreamer. He dreamt of his own vision. Many of those were born out of his idealism. In fact, several lines of different poems that he wrote reflected his own mood.

During the Emergency, he had a serious problem with his back. While in detention, he was brought to the All India Institute of Medical Sciences for treatment. His orthopaedic doctor asked him how the pain could occur if he were in the habit of sitting up straight. “ Kya aap jhuk gaye the ? (were you given to bending much?)”, to which, the man in pain, not losing his sense of humour, replied in the context of the Emergency:

“ Jhukna toh seekha nahin, doctor saheb . Yun kahiye mud gaye honge (I have never bent, doctor. Say this: that I may have twisted myself)”

The incident made him pen down on his hospital bed his famous lines against the Emergency: “ Toot sakte hain, magar hum jhuk nahi sakte (I may falter but I will never bend)”

This poem became one of the most distributed pamphlets during the Emergency.

Atalji was a democrat. His political style was liberal. He accepted criticism. He was a product of parliamentary democracy and, therefore, valued consensus. He bore no malice. He communicated even with those who disagreed. Whether in Opposition or the Government, his attitude never changed. He was an iconic communicator unparalleled in recent history. All this added to his charisma.

His greatest asset was his credibility where he was never in any controversy. Yet, in an era dominated by the Nehruvian Congress, he created a political party which was an ideological alternative to the Congress, [a party] which disagreed on various issues with the Congress, which took the Congress head on, struggled for almost five decades, and, in the last two decades, not only became an alternative to Congress but overtook it.

Atal ji ran a marathon. He was a patient runner. But for him, Advani ji and their other colleagues, Indian democracy would have looked different — dominated by one party, one family, with a lot of scattered smaller parties. That did not happen. Atal ji and his colleagues made the difference. Atal ji has left the world. But the era of which he laid the foundation will prosper even more. That is the Vajpayee legacy.

The writer is Union Finance Minister. He held several portfolios in the Vajpayee government of 1999-2004

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