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On the surface, everything is fine. Both India and the US are swearing by their strategic partnership.
It is being given booster shots from time to time by both countries holding strategic dialogues, 60 joint military exercises and exchanges since 2000, a wide range of collaborations covering practically every worthwhile human endeavour, all the way from agriculture, education, health, energy, climate change and global warming, to international finance, economic development and security matters, Dignitaries from the US power structure, and they include the three Presidents — Bill Clinton, George Bush and Barack Obama — in succession, who came calling have been lavish in their praise for India's variegated achievements, its phenomenal rise as a power to reckon with and the beneficial outgrowths of its role and influence.
The Prime Minister, Dr Manmohan Singh, has, in particular, been extolled as almost a mentor of world leaders on economic and financial issues. Mr Obama has gone on record mentioning the deference with which his advice is received.
Let us stand back a little and take a reality check. First, this word ‘strategic' is being beaten to death in every context — global, regional and local. Virtually, everything is getting to be strategic, the strategic use of the word occurring at the strategic drop of every strategic hat. But what precisely does it stand for, in terms intelligible not just to the lay person, but even to the decision-makers in various branches of governments?
To me, anything strategic will necessarily have to be long-term, adhering faithfully to clearly and unambiguously set goals, meeting the imperative requirements of national interest without detriment to the interest of the comity of nations in general.
A strategic partnership, besides fulfilling the above condition, has to be based on a spirit of give-and-take and shared vision, mutually advantageous and reinforcing, rooted in goodwill, trust and confidence, and borne along by an abundant measure of sensitivity, tolerance, empathy and responsiveness.
In other words, strategic partnership is the driving force and cornerstone of an enduring, regenerative relationship. It should not be viewed as a mere litany of projects, “deals” and “initiatives', nor should it result in either of the partners being “used” to subserve the patent or latent agenda of the other. In my view, the Indo-US Strategic Partnership, for all the build-up it has been given, falls in the latter category.
Dubious deal
What has been the net outcome for India from the partnership in tangible terms? Some may eagerly cite the civilian nuclear deal.
As one who had been in the energy field for 15 years, I am of the considered opinion that the hype surrounding it is excessive, especially when Fukushima has dampened the interest in it worldwide.
Assuming that supplies and construction targets will work out as planned, with the most strenuous efforts put in, the share of nuclear energy to the total in the next 25 years will go up from three to only10 per cent; it will be exorbitantly expensive; and waste disposal will pose a grave problem.
The future of the human race is bound up with non-conventional, renewable sources energy, and not with fast depleting and environmentally degrading coal and gas.
In every respect, other than this dubious deal, the dividends from the strategic partnership have been negligible. Whether it is the Iran gas pipeline to India, the stand of the International Atomic Energy Agency on Iran's nuclear plans, access to Headley, or the duplicity of Pakistan in nurturing terror outfits and dragging its feet in taking action against known terrorist groups, the US has been indifferent to India's views and determined to have its way.
Indeed, it seems in the US eyes, Pakistan, whatever its double-speak and double-cross, has to be placated as an indispensable ally, even if the war on terrorism is compromised thereby.
The strategic dialogue between India and the US scheduled for July should take serious note of these blind spots in the strategic partnership.
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