The angst of the Jats

For two consecutive winters, thousands of men gloriously crowned in their white turbans converged on the streets and highways, mainly in Haryana. Later they spilled over to western Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan and Delhi. This year, in February, the women joined them, riding bullock carts and tractors.

These are the Jats, the quintessential farmers from the rich, fertile Doab plains of northern India. Despite their pride, rootedness and apparent prosperity, they have been reduced to taking to the streets, demanding affirmative action, and reservation in jobs, educational institutions and government scholarships.

This year too, after harvesting their kharif crops, they will be back, with renewed demand for jobs, specifically quotas for their youngsters in jobs and educational institutions.

Academic-turned-politician Yogendra Yadav, who hails from Haryana, spent 10 days touring the violence-torn districts after 20 protesters died and property and assets worth ₹340 billion were destroyed in Haryana in February, 2016.

“Tragically, about 18 of the 20 youngsters who were killed in that agitation could not have availed of the reservation benefits they were demanding. They were not adequately educated even to be eligible for quotas. And they were desperate enough to face bullets and lathicharge despite knowing they were not eligible. What does it tell you about the socio-economic reality of a state and community assumed to be prosperous,” Yadav asks.

The angst of the Jats reflects in the gradual dissipation of their socio-economic and political stature. Haryana, where they account for 29 per cent of the population and installed seven out of its ten chief ministers, is now run by a Punjabi Khatri – Manohar Lal Khattar. The apparent loss of political power is coupled with a steadily falling agricultural growth and backwardness in education, rendering a hitherto powerful community bewildered and angry.

Agriculture, the mainstay of the Jats’ livelihood has been lagging behind industry and services between 2000-2010. Agriculture grew by 3.3 per cent in Haryana, while industry grew by 9.5 per cent and services by 11.8 per cent.

Jats do not have the traditional educational advantage of the upper castes who have cornered much of the share of jobs offered in the services sector.

And, unlike the OBCs and the Scheduled Castes, who are similarly backward in their education status but are benefited by quotas, Jats’ representation in government jobs is minuscule, compared to their numerical strength.

“The discontent has been growing over the years. Jats, traditional agriculturists, are too proud to take up menial jobs in the construction business or anywhere else. They are somewhat educated and rapid urbanisation and media growth has made the semi-educated youth reluctant to join agriculture full time either,” says Jayant Chowdhary, former MP and leader of the Rashtriya LokDal (RLD) headed by his father, the former Union Minister Ajit Singh.

“You visit any village in Haryana and you would see these well- dressed youngsters who have nothing much to do really,” he adds. There is a lull in the agitations, says Chowdhary. But it can boil over any time.

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