Indo-US strategic ties on firm footing

Next week Prime Minister Narendra Modi will undertake his first visit to the US since US President Donald Trump’s assumption of assumed office. Much is being speculated about the nature of India US relationship under the new US regime — more so after President Trump’s climate change bombshell, where he strangely accused India of seeking billions of dollars and yet not doing much to reduce its pollution in the context of Paris agreement.

However, a clear message came from US Defense Secretary General James Norman Mattis at the recently held Shangrila Dialogue in Singapore, where he clearly said that ‘we recognise India, the most populous democracy, as a major defence partner’.

While this reference to major defence partner possibly emanates from the already approved position on India from the Obama presidency and bipartisan support from the US Congress, its strategic import cannot be disregarded. It tells us something about how the bilateral relationship will proceed on the strong foundation built over more than a decade.

A lot has happened — direct arms sales to India under foreign direct sales (FMS) of more than $14 billion, over a dozen exercises involving the Services, easing of defence licenses related to Indian pursuits and most significantly the unique bilateral Defence Technology and Trade Initiative (DTTI) that allowed joint efforts at co-development and co-production in identified projects.

Homeland security and cyber security have been focus areas. Engagements at senior levels on all strategic aspects have become a regular feature.

Significant induction of US weapons and equipment have addressed operational needs of the Indian defence set up. These dispatches have been ‘on time and within budget’ unlike weapons purchase from other defence powers where cost and time overruns are a regular feature.

Thus the FMS-based acquisitions and subsequent induction of the amphibious transport dock INS Jalashwa (former USS Trenton LPD 14), the C-130J Hercules military transport aircraft, P-8I maritime reconnaissance aircraft, C-17 Globe master III aircraft are a good guidance to building a base of trust, since the framework agreement was signed in November 2005. Even at this stage the acquisition of the M777 155mm Light-Weight Towed Howitzers is in progress and discussions on Apache Helicopters and Javelin Anti-tank Guided Missiles are not out of the discussion table.

The effort of the DTTI to move on a plank of partnership has helped in developing indigenous defence capabilities and reducing the dependence on FMS sales as the only avenue for military sales from US.

In a span of three years, 50 per cent of the original or pathfinder projects under DTTI have reached project agreement stage while two are to be pushed with DRDO and US Labs being the lead agencies from the respective countries for these projects.

These projects have concentrated on getting systems in place for plethora of capacity building like protective clothing for soldiers in nuclear, chemical or biologically contaminated battlefields. The proposal for trilateral cooperation (with Israel) on the futuristic military platform is also a good idea.

The outcomes of the project can be used by the armies of all the three countries. Likewise signature aperture radar, hot-engine technology for indigenous light combat aircraft and stealth-coating technology are areas for widening the scope for DTTI cooperation.

It is pertinent that the US defence companies are also participating in the various defence acquisitions under the ‘Make’ and ‘Buy and Make’ programmes and not only confining themselves to FMS opportunities. Even the Strategic Partnership (SP) model announced by the Ministry of Defence has been accepted by these defence corporations.

The prospect of few of them being in the fray as OEM partners for the SP is very high. In three of the four segments identified in the first phase of SP projects, US OEMs are well poised. The Make in India policy has also been a consideration for many of them to explore Indian manufacturing and also manufacturing in India on an optimal basis for overseas requirements.

Hence, bilateral defence and strategic cooperation will move forward, some irritants notwithstanding. The ongoing discussions on various other framework agreements is also a positive indicator.

The strong role of US to get India into the strategic regimes of NSG and Australia group and also address Wassenaer agreement concerns bodes well. Strategic engagements with Japan and Australia are also extending the reach of the overall India US strategic concerns in the current geopolitics in the region.

While the indications are that the Prime Minister’s meeting with President Trump is more of a familiarisation visit, the strategic aspirations of the bilateral relations will not be left untouched.

Already, visits and interactions by NSAs on both sides have started. Changing regional geopolitics do not allow a longer period to knowing one another.

Next, projects for DTTI are to be identified but more should be added for more cohesive engagements into areas that help cover technology gaps. A more simplified technology evaluation and prices for technology transfer has to be worked to realistically value technology and its forward march or spinoffs.

In any case, both DTTI and SP could cover a lot of pursuits that the Indian MoD had laid on the table for the immediate future. A few could also be considered on a fast track like the Co-development of Command and Control suites for the three services as also the indigenous manufacture of sonobuoys. Even a fresh focussed look at micro UAVs Raven should be a priority as a joint effort.

So while all attention will be on the maiden confabulation between the two world leaders, the guiding principle will still be strategic cooperation between the world’s largest democracy and the most powerful democracy.

The writer is the former country head of US defence corporation General Dynamics. The views are personal

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