Is it another story in the southern States? It’s a case of an ebb and flow between the forces of sub-nationalism and the broader national security narrative. Older identities are jostling with emerging ones.

Chandan Gowda, Prof of Sociology, Azim Premji University, Bengaluru, explains: “The sub-nationalism of the southern States can potentially act as a counter to a party like the BJP, which is largely perceived to be North Indian. The political culture of Karnataka resists the imposition of Hindi. The chowkidar slogan has a Hindi ring to it and does not really resonate here. But unlike the DMK or TRS or TDP, a party like the JD (S) has not attempted to define clearly its status as a regional party. The Hindutva-hard nationalism discourse has pushed the Opposition into a defensive groove. It is surprising the Congress-JD (S) combine are not bringing up issues of regional identity.”

Speaking of Tamil Nadu, Karthick Ram Manoharan, Assistant Professor in Political Science, Centre for Studies in Social Sciences, Kolkata, explains: “Compared to the 1960s, the DMK has considerably toned down its politics of linguistic pride, state autonomy and Tamil assertion. Developmentalist populism, where one Dravidian party tries to outperform the other, has taken its place. The DMK, after Karunanidhi, even recognises the Hindu identity as a valid category. It is not surprising in this scenario of fluidity that the DMK should offer 10 seats to a national party like the Congress. Meanwhile, Tamil nationalism finds its expression in newer, smaller, nativist formations. Communities who feel they have not benefited from economic development under the Dravidian parties (the process of reservation, industrialisation and urbanisation), such as the Thevars, Pallars or the Vanniyars, are open to alternatives, though not necessarily progressive ones. ”

Explaining the case of Karnataka, where the BJP has a significant presence, Narendra Pani, Professor at the National Institute of Advanced Studies, Bengaluru, says: “To the extent that Karnataka comprises at least four distinct socio-cultural regions, the entire State does not constitute a composite regional identity. Yet, it would appear that traditional concerns centering around caste and community remain dominant.”

“In the South, more searching questions are asked of terminologies and abstract terms thrown around during elections. The cultural semantics of any term is of greater concern in the South than in the North,” says Pramod K Nayar, cultural critic and professor at University of Hyderabad. “A mass hysteria around nationalism or, say, surgical strike in Pakistan, may work better in the North than in, say, Tamil Nadu, he says. But Nayar cautions that that does not necessarily mean the South is swayed by nationalistic or religious causes and rhetoric as many would like to believe. There are pockets in the South where such slogans do make an impact.

The Sabarimala temple entry for women is a case where such rhetoric actually created an impact, he says. “But in general, thanks to its high-literacy population, the South is able to express a better sense of political awareness in comparison with the North. The training the South has received in nuancing ideas and cultural issues is far more developed than in the North and that matters during election campaigns where abstract ideas are thrown in,” says Nayar.

Kerala in focus

Many political observers and sociologists are curiously watching the current electoral battle in Kerala for the very fact that it is for the first time the State — known for its secular culture and superlative political awareness levels — is witnessing a communally-polarised election battle of this scale.

“In the past. community sentiments were always at play, but this time the cards are out in the open, courtesy the Sabarimala controversy and the proposed Church Bill that aims to bring an auditor-ombudsman for Christian church institutions,” says VS Sanoj, a former journalist with a leading Malayalam daily who also tracked North Indian politics for a decade.

“Still, this is not like a UP or Rajastan,” says Sanoj, adding that there is a difference in the way such issues are heard in Kerala. “The Pulwama surgical strike rhetoric was able to swing public opinion in Modi’s favour in many of the North Indian villages,” says Sanoj. But “in Kerala” the issues are still more rooted and real.

On that cue, Sabarimala is a surprise pop. “Considering the way the BJP has been able to cash in on the Supreme Court order on Sabarimala, even after a section of the media exposed right-wing propaganda, is a case study on modern Kerala,” says Shiju Joseph, a psychologist and academic. “May be this could be the start of a trend that could change the Kerala society in ways unimagined earlier,” adds Joseph.

According to Priya M Nair, a communication professional from central Kerala’s Thrissur working in the UAE, “a significant portion of the Malayalee society still harbours secular values and cares a jot about issues like Hindutva or border security”. But she feels there is an intense surge towards right-wing issues among the diaspora and the young crop of professionals in Kerala and this could turn the tables for the BJP as well as for the Left parties. “But as of now, Kerala is a different story altogether.”

comment COMMENT NOW