The Unique Identity (UID) scheme can be utilised in an effective way to prevent the poor from being robbed and the corrupt from being enriched, says a new book.

“One way to prevent the poor from being robbed and the corrupt from being enriched is the effective implementation of the Unique Identity scheme,” writes journalist-analyst by Shankkar Aiyar in ‘Accidental India: A History of the Nation’s Passage through Crisis and Change’.

“While it is a great way to establish identity, with its simple number-based registration and biometric identification, the UID can also create a national database. This data can form the basis for future reforms — ranging from delivery of services to cash transfers to the poor.”

The book, published by Aleph, examines India’s ascent through seven arresting examples, one for each decade since Independence, including Operation Flood and the passing of the Right to Information Act.

The author argues that the seven turning points in the country’s history were not the result of foresight or careful planning but were rather the accidental consequences of major crises that had to be resolved at any cost.

The approach to corruption in India, according to him, has always been from the standpoint of the law enforcement, whereas it is an issue with much wider dimensions.

“Corruption in India stems from three quarters — revenue collection, clearances and delivery of citizen’s services. The loudest clamour is mostly about corruption in clearances, where the political executive uses his decision-making powers to deliver benefits for a price.

“The theft in revenue areas, however, has not received equal attention although it is a creeping crisis. The under-reporting of income in business transactions, the over invoicing of imports by corporate and the under-invoicing of exports are the principle routes of black money generation. In recent times, mergers and acquisitions have been used to transfer ill-gotten assets,” he writes.

The author feels that Indians must demand a transparent system of political funding, the kind followed in America.

“It has its downsides, of course, such as the rich concerning the attention of lawmakers. But it is transparent enough for citizens to know who is paying money to parties and what is expected in return.”

Aiyar claims that the economic reforms of 1991 were compelled by circumstance and propelled by crisis which forced the then Prime Minister Narasimha Rao to act as he did.

“The failure of India’s licence permit quota raj economic model was visible from 1957 onwards. In 1966, Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri made the first effort to dismantle it.

Thereafter, there were incremental attempts by prime ministers Indira Gandhi and Rajiv Gandhi. Key figures from other political parties like Ajit Singh and Yashwant Sinha also tried to unshackle the economy but political compulsions prevailed.”

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