Is a consolidation of hardline Islamic forces happening in Bangladesh under the banner of the Hefajat-e-Islam, which was exceptional in its defiance of Bangladeshi Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s secular-liberal approach?

Though Hasina has managed to break the back of the key Islamist force, the Jamaat-e-Islami, which is an ally of her principal Opposition, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, the non-political Hefajat has defied her.

In 2013, when Hasina went after religious fundamentalists, the Hefazat put Dhaka virtually under siege, with huge rallies demanding an anti-blasphemy law, curbs on women’s development, etc.

According to observers, Hasina had since then been mending fences with the Hefazat. Last week, her government even recognised degrees by Hefazat-run unregulated Qawmi Madrasas, which were under the scanner since 2003 for alleged terror links.

Also, in an apparent appeasement of the Hefazat, the Prime Minister wanted the Supreme Court to remaove the sculpture of Themis, the Greek goddess of law. While Hasina was critical of the quality of the sculpture, Hefazat said an idol was un-Islamic.

More changes There have been more such moves. Top Bangla newspapers like Prothom Alo and The Daily Star reported conspicuous changes in school textbooks. Works of famous Bengal writers, including a poem by Rabindranath Tagore, were dropped, apparently to Hefazat’s delight.

Golam Mortoza, editor of Bangladeshi weekly Saptahik , sees the developments as being contradictory to Hasina’s Awami League’s declared goal of ensuring a secular-liberal face for Bangladesh, as was promised by her father and National Hero Sheikh Mujibur Rahaman. Indeed, Mortoza pointed out, the League had been critical of the BNP allying with the Jamaat.

But Mahbub Morshed, executive editor of Poribartan , feels that in a predominantly Islamic Bangladesh, it is unwise to keep these forces out of the mainstream.

With nearly 14 lakh students from poor families, the 14,000 Qawmi Madrasas are too large to be ignored. The recognition of their degrees, he thinks, might encourage them to reform their curriculum. In 2006, Khaleda Zia’s BNP-Jamaat government promised to recognise these Madrasas just as the degrees by the Jammat-run Aliah Madrasas were, in 2002. But the decision couldn’t be implemented as the government fell.

Divide and rule? According to some observers, the conciliatory moves of Hasina are an attempt to keep the Islamists divided, with an eye on the 2018 election. Considering her firm grip over the administration, she is confident of keeping such forces on leash. The Hefazat, they feel, has ideological differences with the Jamaat and will go with the Awami League.

But not everyone is convinced with this argument. The Hefazat, no doubt, had ideological differences with the Jamaat. But many doubt if they still persist. In fact, sources in Indian security agencies say the Jamaat has taken shelter under the Hefazat.

If united, Islamists have little reason to support Hasina, who had changed Bangladesh’s political idiom by sending top Islamists to the gallows for crimes perpetrated during the liberation war.

To add to the complexity, Hasina was re-elected in January 2014 in an opposition-free election. But a free and fair election might throw tough competition her way. If the Hefazat cannot bring votes, why should Hasina keep them in good humour? Mortoza believes it is to ensure that the Hefazat doesn’t muddy waters in the run up to the election next year.

Concern for India Security agencies in India are keeping a close watch on the developments in Bangladesh. India also has its share of unregulated Madrasas in West Bengal and Assam, which border Bangladesh. Wahhabism and links to ISIS are on the rise. Consolidation of Islamists in Bangladesh, the agencies fear, can have a spill-over effect.

India recently trebled its daily visa quota for Bangladeshis. This brings with it the risk of security lapses. India currently has a blanket ban on the entry of Tablighi preachers, who are groomed in Qawmi Madrasas.

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