India's media exposed its hollowness, by its preference for trivia over substance during the visit of Pakistan's young Foreign Minister Hina Rabbani Khar. Television channels and the print media vied with each other in breathlessly reporting the visit of the Foreign Minister, as if it was a visit by a fashion model embellished with Birkin Handbags, Roberto Cavalli sunglasses, Jimmy Choo shoes, South Sea Pearls and Princess Diana look-alike headgear.

The visiting Foreign Minister, on the other hand, got everything that her country's real rulers, its military establishment wanted. Kashmiri separatists, who had been marginalised, were rejuvenated by the publicity they got.

That the Government of India remained a house divided, was evident from the comments of the Home Secretary and Home Minister, declaring that nothing had really changed in relations with Pakistan.

Having entered politics in 2002 as a candidate of the military-backed PML (Q) Party, Ms Khar admirably fulfilled the wishes of her real mentors, Pakistan's internationally-reviled and besieged military establishment. She conceded nothing, but bought time to get some relief from the pressures Pakistan now faces across the Durand Line.

PAKISTAN AND THE US

Preceding the fashionable Pakistan Foreign Minister to Delhi, was the US Secretary of State, Ms Hillary Rodham Clinton, unquestionably the most savvy, hard-nosed and powerful woman politician today. Her visit came at a time when America's relations with an “assertive” China and a terrorist-infested Pakistan were under strain.

This was especially after Osama bin Laden was found hiding in the Cantonment town of Abbottabad and the Pakistan military became more recalcitrant than ever, in backing extremist Islamic groups killing Americans in Afghanistan. Washington had, meanwhile, noted that one significant success story in India's foreign policy, in the post-economic liberalisation period, has been its ‘Look East” policies. There is recognition in the US that they share a common interest in building an inclusive architecture for cooperation across Asia and the Asia-Pacific.

Hillary Clinton's address in Chennai, just before she headed for a meeting of the Asean (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) Regional Forum, primarily focused attention on the importance of India's “Look East” Policies, to American interests in the Asia-Pacific. Sadly, with the New Delhi-based elite obsessed with Pakistan, we have tended to ignore our growing and beneficial engagement with our eastern neighbours ranging from Japan, South Korea and Vietnam, to the members of Asean, such as Indonesia, Singapore and Myanmar and with SAARC (South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation) partners such as Bangladesh and Sri Lanka.

Diplomatically, the US has complemented what we have done in changing the profile of our relationships in our neighbourhood, though American wishful thinking has clouded its perceptions of relations with Pakistan. Despite this, differences between India and the US on key issues, including what constitutes “full nuclear cooperation”, remain.

NUCLEAR DIPLOMACY

Ever since 2008, New Delhi has chosen to ignore the reality that transfer of Enrichment and Reprocessing (ENR) Technologies to India would not be favoured by the Americans, though Ms Clinton now proclaims that “nothing in the new Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) restrictions should be construed as detracting from the unique impact of the US-India civil nuclear agreement.”

India got a “clean” NSG waiver with no ‘ifs' and ‘buts' in 2008. Our commitment to buy nuclear reactors from partners was given on the clear understanding that full nuclear cooperation included transfer of ENR Technologies. We should make it known that India will not purchase reactors from those who violate this understanding.

OIL IMPORTS

India is now confronted by a serious challenge to its energy security, by unilateral American moves to undermine and disrupt arrangements in place for making payments for its oil imports from Iran. The US has acted to disrupt payment arrangements under the Asian Clearing Union.

It has pressurised European Banks which processed payments in Euros for Indian oil imports from Iran directly and through European leaders, including German Chancellor Angela Merkel, to terminate arrangements with India for oil payments to Iran, through these banks. India has a huge trade deficit of over $10 billion with Iran, making bilateral / barter arrangements for settlement unworkable.

While Saudi Arabia has agreed to meet India's needs, following the impasse over payments for Iranian oil imports, it would be dangerous for India not to have a range of options for oil imports. We would, in effect, be making our energy security entirely dependent on Saudi-American mercies — a prospect no right-thinking Indian can relish, despite the current bonhomie in our relations.

India and Iran should show the sagacity to overcome present hurdles. The US, in turn, should be left in no doubt that professions of building a “strategic partnership” cannot go hand-in-hand with moves which undermine India's energy security.

(The author is a former High Commissioner to Pakistan.)

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